Back to alternative history
Contents
1. Moving South
2. Hunger
3. At War
4. By-election
5. Feel the Love
6. At Home with the Stansgates
7. White Heat
8. Crazy Asian War
9. Seizing an Early March
10. The Band
11. Sterling
12. Can't Hardly Wait
13. The Call
14. Eyes on the Prize
15. The Intersection of Carnaby Street and Madison Avenue
16. I, Robot
17. And So This Is Christmas
18. Ship of Fools
19. The Rest of the Robots
20. It's a Long, Long Journey
21. Some Day We Shall Return
22. Ono no Komachi
23. Think It's Gonna Be All Right
24. Ride of the Valkyries
25. Subversion
26. Genewalissimo
27. The Very Secret Diary
28. M3
29. Say a Little Prayer
30. Fiji, My Fiji, How Beautiful Thou Art
31. The Prisoner
32. In the Direction of Badness
33. The Memory of Barry Goldwater
34. We Can't Go On This Way
35. Don't You Love Your Country?
36. Spicks and Specks
37. November the Seventh is Too Late
38. Film at Eleven
39. Savaged by a Dead Donkey
40. Permanent Revolution
Appendix A
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Part 32 - In the Direction of Badness |
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"At that time, I commented at the time that I felt that lower temperatures
were in the direction of badness for both O-rings, because it slows down the
timing function for both of those, but the effect is much worse for the
primary O-ring compared to the secondary O-ring, because the leak check
forces the primary O-ring in the wrong side of the O-ring groove, while it
forces the secondary O-ring in the proper direction; and this fact should be
weighed and considered in making an evaluation as to what the recommended
temperature should be."
- Allan McDonald, Director of the Space Shuttle Solid Rocket Motor
Project of Thiokol's Space Division, explains how he explained that space
shuttles should not be launched at temperatures below 53'F.
(Wednesday, 22 July 1970)
"Let me see if I've got this straight," Caroline said, interrupting Bobby's
stream of invective about 'that Texan shedkicker', "Lyn had a choice between
propping up a racially based military dictatorship or supporting the
reversion to constitutional arrangements that would protect the working
class majority. He chose the latter and so you've resigned as a matter of
principal."
"Aw, honey," Bobby sighed, "It's not like that. What happened in Fiji was
largely the decision of locals. We should let them sort it out themselves
otherwise we're just..." 'Neo-colonialists' wasn't the right word. Bobby
settled for, "...interfering busy-bodies."
"Besides," he continued, "At least an army junta can improve itself. If
that British constitution had been established it would have been almost
impossible to reform, even with a simple majority of the population
supporting it. And Lyn's way risks war."
Bobby still hoped it wouldn't come to war. His original plan had been to
ship large quantities of arms onto the islands and then leak the fact -
without specifying types and deployments - while the Royal Navy was still en
route. This would have forced negotiations and some non-violent settlement.
He assumed that Hank and McCone would have cancelled this operation
following the cabinet decision. But Mara seemed to be a proud man, Bobby
doubted he would back down even if he only had the light arms of the Fijian
regiment. If the locals took to the hills it could be a long and bloody
process to subdue them.
Still, it was a good time to get out of Washington. Bobby had a hunch that
the Watershed scandal could eat the Johnson presidency. Still, he had no
fears - he had only been Secretary of State. They couldn't link him to
Vietnam, which was a straight DoD show.
"So what now, Bobby?" Caroline wanted to know.
"Mid term elections in November," he said, "I start campaigning."
"Campaigning?" his wife asked, "But the primaries are long over."
"Not for me," Bobby smiled, "For my fellow Democrats. Put down some
markers, earn some favours."
"You mean?"
"Yup. Getting ready for '72. Lyn can't run and you don't want to see
Hubert being our candidate, do you?"
"Hubert?" Caroline grimaced. "That shallow, contemptible and hopelessly
dishonest old hack!" She sobered. "But you be careful, hon. Remember what
happened to Jack."
He kissed her. "I will be," he promised.
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Monday, 27 July, 1970
Dear Diary,
Extraordinary cabinet meeting. Which was nice, as I had missed last
Thursday's while recuperating in that Australian city. Peggy began by
giving a fire-and-brimstone address about protecting the democratic rights
of the Islanders against military oppression. You can take the girl out of
the Methodist church but you can't take the Methodist church out if the
girl. Much the same stuff as the public speech she gave at the Guildhall
that was shown on News at Ten, only they left out the inspiring anecdote
about that Russian general from 50 years ago.
The rest of the meeting was spent with Roy summarising his plans to bring
aeroplane and bus timetables into lockstep. Found it v. distracting with
his speech impediment. Must give him the name of the elocutionist that
Peggy put me on to.
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(Monday, 27 July 1970)
John McCone was a worried man. There had been an official announcement that
the Administration was backing Britain over the Fijis. That was to be
expected. But neither McCone nor the Secretary of State pro temp had been
present at last week's cabinet meeting. What did the President really want?
McCone had set up arrangements with the equivalent of the CIA in
Australia[1] in order to distance the Administration from any fallout in the
unlikely event that things were to go in the direction of badness. But
mines, missiles, anti-aircraft guns and infantry heavy weapons were pointing
in the direction of badness if the President now really did want the British
to prevail.
Should he speak to Dr Kissinger? No, the former Secretary of State had made
it clear how sensitive the matter was. This was for the President's eyes
only. McCone sat down to draft a memorandum, bringing the pertinent matters
to the President's attention. But, as a trained Washington bureaucrat,
McCone wrote in such a way that if the memo should fall into the wrong
hands, it would be virtually incomprehensible.
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(Monday, 27 July 1970)
Enoch was appalled. That woman on the news, giving a speech that was pure
Communism. Speaking in support of that blasted Fijian draft constitution
that was Marxism incarnate. And then figuratively wrapping herself in the
Union Jack and the Cross of St George as she wished her brave boys Godspeed
as they went to fight for the virtues of Magna Carta and the last eleven
verses of St Luke's gospel, chapter one.
How did one oppose that and not appear a traitor?
It would be difficult but Enoch would try to find a way.
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(Monday, 27 July 1970)
Ted was not a happy man. He hadn't been happy for a while. Liberal
spokesman for European Affairs had been a bit of a step-down for a man who
had once been Chancellor of the Exchequer. Somehow Jeremy had sensed his
unhappiness. There had been a reshuffle, not as traumatic as it sounds as
the Liberal party had fewer MPs than there were ministries to shadow.
George Brown seemed happy enough to now be shadowing Foot in Economic
Affairs so that Ted could shadow Jimmy. Fortunately Liberal numbers had
remained low after Ted's defection, as only two Conservative backbenchers
had followed him. Ted was picking up a bit of resentment over this from
Jeremy.
Best to talk about a common enemy. Peggy.
"It's just outrageous, her speech. She was daring us not to toe her line on
Fiji and if we don't come to heel, she'll say we're not British! It's as if
we have to pretend we're one big government of national unity only she'll be
calling all the shots."
Jeremy made encouraging "Yes, I know" noises.
"Are you listening to a word I'm saying Jeremy?"
"Of course, Ted. Now can you be a sweet and get me some water?" Jeremy
handed him a glass.
Ted, grumbling, stood up and slid his feet into his slippers. He took the
glass into the bathroom thinking, "Honestly, he's just using me."
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(Wednesday, 29 July 1970)
Duncan was a happy man. The telegram told him that the Burnie Maru was en
route to Suva with the supplies. The British had declared the waters around
Fiji an exclusion zone. But Duncan had it on very good authority that the
Royal Navy did not yet have the wherewithal in the area yet to make that
exclusion zone stick. Most vessels, of course, did not know that. But the
master of the Burnie Maru had been given assurances and he and his crew were
being paid very well.
Still, Duncan did not trust the telegram completely. Its contents would be
verified by a telephone call. Printed words were slippery but you could
rely on conversation, on the nuances of tone and inflection.
This distrust of the written word perhaps went back to Duncan's childhood.
The son of a country policeman whose family had moved from village to town
to village. Along the way the reading skills which so many take for granted
were not impressed upon young Duncan. It still took him the best part of a
morning to read the front page of a newspaper, tackling each word
laboriously, one by one.
But Duncan was not stupid, far from it. He had an elephantine memory and a
mind that, if not organised, was extremely efficient in regurgitating
related facts. Where others relied on documents he had mastered dialog.
Documents lied. Sometimes it was by accident, when the author wrote other
than they intended. Sometimes it was by omission - key facts were left out
by oversight or design. And sometimes the document was written by someone
who knew it to be wrong, someone who would not dare lie to you if they were
speaking face-to-face. People could rarely lie when facing Duncan. Which
was odd, as he had no such trouble with others.
So Duncan regarded reading as occasionally necessary but always to be viewed
with distaste. The author was doing things to your mind while you just sat
there, taking it in. There was something passive, even feminine, about
reading.
Yet conversation. Conversation was active, even when listening to someone
else. You could massage a conversation, ask questions, seek clarification,
probe, nudge the intercourse in a direction the other had not intended at
first. And then the climax - summarising what the other had said. And they
would reply, "Yes! That's exactly what I meant." Duncan loved getting to
"Yes!"
It hadn't been difficult getting most of the weaponry. Oh, these days
Australia didn't produce much more that rifle bullets. A pity. But the
whole region was awash in arms, spillovers and leakages from the Vietnam
war. However, it was his locating the naval mines that most pleased Duncan.
If you're going to stop an invasion the best time is before the troops
have even landed.
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(Wednesday, 29 July 1970)
Senator Don Willesee was not a happy man. He was Australia's first Foreign
Minister[2] but the job was worse than being Vice President of the USA. Any
trip of import, any substantive decision, and it would be made by Eddie.
Only if something went off like a prawn in a hubcap, then who was the drongo
who had to front the press? Mike's dad[3] was starting to wonder if
Lance[4] or JC[5] mightn't be a better bet for PM. Lionel[6] was sure to
have some ideas on this.
Lionel was good value, even if he was always urging Don to clean up the
non-diplomatic division within the Department. "Half those bastards are
probably working for the," growled Lionel before using a most undiplomatic
epithet for 'Americans'.
"You're a fine one to talk," teased Don, "As Attorney General you're
responsible for ASIO. They still haven't found whose been bombing those
travel agencies and the Yugoslav consulate. Wouldn't surprise me if they've
been funding those 'Ustashi' themselves. You should take some Commonwealth
coppers round to St Kilda and bust their doors down."
Lionel harrumphed. "I might just do that."
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(Wednesday, 29 July 1970)
Lyn stared at the memo for a third time. The last two times he had only
read as far as "in the direction of badness" before losing the thread. He
was just about to ask Dolores to put a call through to McCone for some
verbal clarification when Dolores appeared at his shoulder to say, "Hubert
on line two".
Lyn knew better than to swear out loud with only Dolores there. He'd asked
for no interruptions. If she was interrupting, and for Hubert of all
people, it must be an important.
Dolores pressed a button. Lyn could hear his Vice President's voice saying,
"Mr President. I've had a call from Houston. They say they have a
problem."
That would be Apollo 15. Ironic that six months ago a mission with the
hard-luck number 13 had returned from the moon in triumph.[7]
"Hubert, are the astronauts OK?"
"So far, Mr President but getting them back looks touch-and-go."
"Jesus, Hubert, what else can go wrong? I'm up to my ass in alligators over
'Watershed', I've lost Bobby and now three men's lives are in the balance.
What else can go wrong?"
"Funny you should mention Watershed, Mr President. The Senate has just
voted to establish a Select Committee on Presidential Activities..."
"The Hell you say!" stormed Lyn, "We own the Senate, Hubert. Those
whey-faced bastards don't so much as belch, if we don't say so.
"Mr President. There's mid-term elections. The House feels just as
strongly about this. And you, sir, you're a, a..."
"A lame duck, Hubert? So all the congressmen are pissing in their pants for
fear of being linked to big bad ol' Lyndon. They'll tell their districts
about all the appropriations I signed, claim credit and then dance on my
political grave. If you want loyalty in this town, get a dog."
"You can rely on me, Mr President."
"Yes, I know where you stand. Good-bye Hubert."
"Good-bye, sir."
Lyn turned to Dolores. "At least I can rely on you, Dolores."
"And Mr Humphrey it would seem, Mr President," said Dolores.
"Hubert?" snorted Lyn, "That son-of-a-gun organised that Select Committee.
He wants to distance himself from me for his run in '72. Well, I can't
blame him." The President smiled grimly, "But I can make his life a misery.
Delores, please fetch me Hubert's special file."
"Yes, Mr President."
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(Tuesday, 4 August 1970)
The Liberation Fleet was in the Gulf of Guinea. Twenty-five more days to
get to Diego Garcia. The three weeks to get to Fiji. It would late
September before they hit the fuzzy-wuzzies, thought Commander Harry Ashton
of the HMS Cavalier. Not that those primitives could be expected to
prepare, even given all the time in the world. Black men had fought well
under British officers in the last war, take the Gurkhas or the King's
African Rifles. But left to their own devices, oh dear, oh dear.
Where was Number Two? He should have been relieving three minutes ago. Of
all the Lieutenant-Commanders in the Royal Navy...
"Hullo, dere!" came Neddie's cheerful voice.
"Number Two, the bridge is yours," Harry snapped a salute.
"Aye-aye-sir!" saluted Neddie.
Harry fixed his subordinate with an icy glare. There wasn't anything Harry
could put a finger on, but Neddie, with his too ready smile, oozed an
attitude of superiority over his commanding officer. One day the precious
Lieutenant-Commander would be hit full force with the realities of life.
And wouldn't Harry be smiling then?
[If you'll just let me continue.]
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[1] In our timeline there is no equivalent of the CIA in Australia. PM John
Gorton once suggested to the House of Representatives that there might have
been but he was tired and emotional at the time.
[2] Prior to this the job was known as Minister for External Affairs. Which
is just plain wrong. Can you imagine anyone calling Andrew Peacock "the
Minister for External Affairs from Central Casting?"
[3] In our timeline the former Foreign Minister's son, Michael Willesee, is
far better known. Primarily for appearing live, coast-to-coast, as anchor
of A Current Affair when tired and emotional. Celebrity is a fickle
thing.
[4] Barnard
[5] Jim Cairns
[6] Murphy
[7] The Apollo project in 'Thaxted' is running 3 to 6 months ahead of our
timeline. This could be due to greater US success in Vietnam, the longer
life of the Johnson administration, or just the vibe that comes from having
so much great folk music in the world.
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