(Wednesday, 4 June, 1969.)
A group of senior Labour politicians were standing near the lake in Regent's
Park. It was a good place to avoid any bugs. A gaggle of special branch
officers were a discrete distance away. Two special branch officers were
closer but also discretely positioned out of earshot. As bodyguards to the
Leader of Her Majesty's Opposition, they did not carry the cameras with
telephoto lenses wielded by their colleagues. The bodyguards took care not
to look obviously at the other officers.
There was a pattern to the meetings Mrs Wedgwood Benn, as she now insisted
on being named, called before each shadow cabinet meeting. First a few
close allies. Then the front benchers in the Programme. Then the full Left
membership of the shadow cabinet. These three meetings always preceded the
shadow cabinet meeting. But that there were these three meetings was only
known to Mrs WB's close allies and the security services.
Michael Foot was not a happy man. He still hadn't quite worked out why, as
titular leader of the Left, he had not been chosen parliamentary leader
after Harold's shock resignation. Friends for decades had come up to him
during the leadership campaign and told him reluctantly that they had to
support Peggy. Many had given a one-word explanation, solidarity.
Solidarity! As if that explained anything. Where was the solidarity after
the years of encouragement, advise, campaigning and hard work that he had
provided for these ingrates? How sharper than a serpent's tooth! Still, he
was now shadow Foreign Secretary, which was better than a slap in the face
with a wet fish. Generally the party had taken Peggy's defeat of Jim quite
well, only George Brown and what's-his-name[1] had walked out.
Oh, Peggy wasn't all bad. She had savaged the new value-added tax proposals
the government had laid out in the Queen's speech. "All this is
fundamentally wrong for Britain. It is a step not merely towards fascism
but nazism. The VAT inspectorate will become a latter-day Gestapo." Foot
had asked her about that afterwards. She laughed and said, "There may have
been a touch of hyperbole."[2]
But why had Peggy insisted on this meeting in Regent's Park? Certainly it
was early summer but the weather looked like it could turn nasty at any
minute. That was the problem with these leftists - too prone to paranoid
conspiracy theories. As if MI5 would bug parliamentarians!
"Once again we have lost a general election," said Mrs Wedgwood Benn, "this
time by heart-breakingly small number of seats and with a plurality of
votes." There was assent from the group, the claque of Programmers nodding
earnestly. "It would seem that we have two choices. We can go by the
constitutional process, and await the next general election. The
government's small majority may mean they are forced to go to the country
well before their five years are up. But there is no guarantee that we
shall be more successful this time than in the last five general elections
under the bourgeois system where our strength is tied up in safe
constituencies and the Tories win the marginals." More nodding. This was
familiar ground.
"Our second choice is to play to our strength and bring about the Revolution
by our industrial power. As those of you who have read history know, this
path is fraught with risk also."
Well, hurrah! thought Foot. It had been years since Harold had spoken of
any revolution save the white-hot and scientific. And nice to see Peggy's
realistic appraisal of it, too.
"What I propose to do is both," she said. My God! thought Foot. She really
is like Harold. Some of his colleagues were looking bemused but the
Programmers were still claquing away.
"We shall use the muscle of our trade union allies, sparingly at first. The
escalation will always be shown as a response to provocation. But in six
months time there will be so many targeted rolling strikes that Britain will
experience what could be called a winter of discontent." The claque nodded
knowingly, "That's Shakespeare, that is."
The claque had become to much, even for Mrs WB, "If you'll just let me
continue. The government will be forced to the polls. And the questions
will be, 'Who can run Britain?' and, 'In an industrial democracy, who
commands the allegiance of the majority of workers?'"
It was eventually Foot's turn to speak. He pointed out the failure of the
General Strike. While he recognised that the proposed Industrial Winter was
a different kettle of fish he did not feel the plan as presented was
sufficiently well thought out, nor likely to command the support of the
majority of Britons, nor probable to succeed. But at he conclusion of the
debate Foot and his like-minded comrades were outvoted. Yet he would
support the plan at tomorrow's shadow cabinet meeting as it now had the
democratic support of the Left shadow cabinet. Solidarity.
The second agenda item was the by-election in Wales, now only a fortnight
away. It was then that the rain fell. It was gentle but persistent. While
the birds in the trees were still singing it was impossible for the caucus
to continue. The meeting broke up. The Left would go into the shadow
cabinet meeting tomorrow without an agreed position on the by-election
unless there was a series of phone-calls that night.
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